卡城房价动了

[marciaw]

作者: 云中君

卡城屋价连跌3个月
这是2010年最后一天 星岛日报 的头版头条...

最后四个月的真实涨跌情况：
月 年 均价 涨跌： 中位价 涨跌：
Aug 2010 445,617 xxxxx 395,000 xxxxx
Sep 2010 460,278 +14661 390,000 -05000
Oct 2010 444,744 -15534 387,900 -02100
Nov 2010 455,460 +10716 399,900 +12000
Dec 2010 441,264 -14196 389,000 -10900

[marciaw]

貌似 到处闲逛 是专门为讨论房市而注册的ID。如果在华枫有ID，心里坦荡，就为讨论房市还弄个马甲，我觉得没必要。其实市场不听忽悠，忽悠涨也罢，忽悠跌也罢，都没用。 该怎么样还怎么样。 不付房贷就付房租，这是买房与买股票的本质区别。

[marciaw]

作者: invoker

区别在于自住房该买，投资房地产前景不明，还是股市好些。

对，我是说自住。其实大多数人讨论的都是自住。

[marciaw]

作者: Jim_Fr

自住房和投资房其实是一回事, 花的都是自己口袋的钱。行情不同价格能差不少，对于高端物业更是如此。省下的钱就是赚的钱。

卡尔加里不是个宜居城市，不少人是因为工作而居住在这里，但将来退休后会选择其它城市安度自己的晚年，特别是对那些有经济实力的华人来说。不看好卡城的房地产。

退休前得住几十年，这几十年不付房贷，就得付房租。华人的房贷基本上用十几年就付请了。如果一直租房，则永无止尽。

[marciaw]

作者: 到处闲逛

还有人记得我的网名“看”，呵呵，深感欣慰。可惜calgarychinese已经不想去了，没什么帖子有可读性。

没有看不起合同制就业的朋友，只是问一个简单的问题：如果合同制的待遇高于固定员工，那还要固定员工做什么？有些人只看到一年，一个月挣多少，怎么不看看可能此人几年下来就挣了那几个月呢？固定工...

哦，原来是看。 到卡尔加里几年了？ 一直租着房子？租什么样的房子？basement、apartment or single house？ 付多少房租？几年一共付了多少房租？ 现在准备回国了？或者准备继续在这里租房付房租？

[marciaw]

作者: 到处闲逛

通胀来了，不就是我前面说的第四步骤么？接下来是油价打回原形，卡尔加里乃至加拿大步入痛苦的复苏阶段。

回答楼上的，我租房，怎么了？如果我07年买房子，首付只有2%，利率5.4%左右；现在如果买房，房价低了7-8万上下，我不需要贷款，不关心利率。我还打算继续租房，因为和房东一家关系很好，病了有人关...

要到美国去了呀？ 不回流为祖国做贡献了？不回国照顾父母孩子了？ 一个人住一个房间，十几平米就够了，是容易对付。 和有家或者带孩子的单亲父母是不一样哈。

[marciaw]

作者: 到处闲逛

攒钱啊，准备抄底。要不现在也不够钱买房买车的。我的月开销可不比本网名人海天酱油少很多。

干嘛啊？ 开着宝马，偏说没车，现金大把的不用贷款就能买房，又说不够钱买房。 ID已经不止一个，却还要再弄个马甲来讨论房市。知道有个词吗？ 弄巧成拙。

[marciaw]

作者: 到处闲逛

华枫的注册不允许三个字符以下，我已经说我是卡城华人网的看了，我讨论房地产已经不是一两天了，何谈弄个马甲来讨论房市？

对于经济走势，多一种声音总是好的。西方社会每十年来一次衰退，最终倒霉的总是普通老百姓。为什么我总拿八十年代的走势来说，因为这二三十年里根本就没有什么实质性的改变。炒房子、炒黄金、...

还需要其他网站的ID？ 直接用华枫已经有的ID，不就行了？

[marciaw]

作者: 到处闲逛

八十年代的历史告诉我们：卡尔加里确实是加拿大蠢人最多的城市。如果理智，谁会接最后一棒。同样，如果大部分人都理智，少数人怎么去赚钱。

国内副总的位置都给你留好了，早点回去， 早点混上CEO，我等卡城蠢人将来走投无路的时候，不也可以向你讨一杯羹吗？到时候，可得看在曾为卡城乡亲的份上，多照顾一下这些卡城蠢人们啊！

[marciaw]

作者: 唐吉何德

咳, 你们13对1 不公平.

要多听不同意见.

人家有舌战群雄的本事，总得有机会发挥不是？

[marciaw]

作者: Jim_Fr

到处闲逛是个人才啊, 建议本网站给他设个专栏。网站就相关话题发表点不同意见, 可以让网友展开讨论，开阔眼见，扩大网站影响。

看看该贴的几天上万的浏览量，可见房子是华人共同关心的热门话题。建议给帖子发起人卡城山东人奖励，虽然他放了一把火就，就不见了踪影。

看了几个华人网站，地产栏目搞的不是很好，很像国内的药品广告。感觉任何时候都是买房的最佳时期，容易误导网友。偶有个别很有见地的网友，也被一班人扫地出门。久而久之，大家对网站就失去了兴趣。主要原因可能是房屋中介是网站的主要赞助者，网站得兼顾他们的利益。如何平衡好类似这样的关系，使该网站在众多华人网站中独树一帜，值得站长和斑竹好好思考。

你应该建议 到处闲逛 用他原来的ID P.eng 开个单身专栏， 再用他的另一个ID 笑看枫叶红 开个小说连载专栏， 开写《技术移民续篇》，或者开个专栏： 加拿大与中国之比较， 那才更是能够充分发挥他的潜能， 为华枫增加点击率呢。房市不过是加拿大与中国之比较中的一小部分罢了，占不到多大比重的。

[marciaw]

想说 到处闲逛 和 xiaotiantian 两人都很有意思。 但都不大make sence。 这世界既不会照着 到处闲逛 期望的走，也不会照着 xiaotiantian 期望的走。

[marciaw]

作者: 到处闲逛

你们炒房的就直说吧，什么行家不行家的，不就是你们这帮子人在盯着中国新移民忽悠么？我没劝人买房，不提成，不抽佣金，不赚房子的差价，不出租物业，忽悠谁？

郭达第一次上春晚时，演的小品 《产房门前》，很有意思。 男主角的妻子在产房待产，男主角在产房外等待，心里急切盼望着生个儿子。他这时碰到一个也在产房外等待妻子生产的一个干部模样的人，那个干部模样的人在生男生女的问题上开导郭达，要想得开，要心里平衡。郭达回答：俺生个男的，你生个女的，俺俩就平衡了。

可见，要让人心里平衡是多么的不容易啊！

[marciaw]

作者: 到处闲逛

.实在不明白你到底想要说些什么？？？

没有买房子就心理不平衡了？你大概总是这么认为别人的吧。市场变化了，相应的策略就要变化。我一直庆幸自己没有盲目赶进市场，没有因为房子占住有限的资金，会有什么心理不平衡的？你靠房子升值赚了钱，那恭喜你；我靠腾出资金在股市上赚了钱，你也别妒嫉。君子爱财，取之有道；大家走不同的路都能发财，何谈什么心理不平衡之说。

其实你这样的人比较搞笑：一方面想要融入本地主流社会；一方面又紧紧抱着国内的思想不放。如果一个老外租房不买房，你会说三道四么？你会觉得她/他生活不幸福么？你会觉得人家心理不平衡么？租房的换成了一个中国人，你马上就可以联想到一大堆其它的东西出来，连什么心理不平衡都冒出来了。

你看你心里多么纠结？ 少数能买而不买房，选择租房的老外愿意享受，愿意休假，住豪华酒店、开好车，愿意把钱花光，可是他们不会担心卡尔加里经济崩溃，不会替有房的人担心哪一天会被赶出人自家的房子。 事实上，绝大多数有足够收入支持首付、支持房贷的老外都有自己的房子。没有自己房产的通常是首付不够（比如年轻人），或者还款能力达不到银行标准而无法贷款的人（比如低收入阶层）。 我从老公的亲戚、朋友、同事们的情况来看，只有1家收入较低的没有房产，租房交房租，其他三十几家都有自己的房产。当然这和他的生活圈子有关，不能完整的反应全社会，至少说明一点，相当多的老外有自己的房产。

不明白你心里为什么总这么纠结？你在家园里说，国内大型国企已经给了你副总的位置，百万人民币的offer，为什么还不回去呢？回去还可以照顾家人、报效祖国，一举几得的事情，还纠结什么？就为了替卡尔加里人担心哪天天上掉下个大石头？为了亲历卡尔加里80年代初的情景重现？

[marciaw]

作者: 到处闲逛

你怎么不说说八十年代卡尔加里哀鸿遍野的惨状呢？问问你的老公，问问什么是一元房？为什么油价一跌就会出现这样的情况？既然石油是稀缺资源，只会涨价，为什么短短两年前会有那么多人包括你都下岗回家？这次是咸鱼翻身，下次你有这么好运气么？

哪个地方都有经济形势好的时候，也有差的时候。为什么只盯着好的时候却...

向你报告一下： 我2000年2月29日登陆卡尔加里， 5月15日开始第一份低端专业工作，7月第一次牛仔节后被裁员，7月24日重新上岗，开始一份专业工作，2003年12月自己选择下岗，2004年4月开始自雇，至今没再下过岗。告诉你这些以更正你 “（我）在两年前下岗”的说法。 我们两一个很大的不同是： 我不提供自知的假信息。你把卡尔加里2000年的最低工资说错，不算你故意提供假信息，就算你不知道真实信息。对于你很清楚的信息，也提供假的，我把那叫做提供自知的假信息。 自己看看， 提供了多少假信息？

[marciaw]

作者: jo jo

我听到的都是好些片面，
涉及因素包括好多 油价波动，两党争执，在西岸加了个石油相关的税，然后先是石油公司主动关闭，接着石油相关公司被动倒闭，再然后民生相关的小生意受牵连，人口外迁；
房屋价格，倒有两说，一说是大跌，一说是有跌 但持稳，一圆房主要成因是供不起，这个option比申请破产好，

...

Google 了一下：

National Energy Program

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
The National Energy Program (NEP) was an energy policy of the Government of Canada. It was created under the Liberal government of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau by Minister of Energy Marc Lalonde in 1980, and administered by the Department of Energy, Mines and Resources.

Contents [hide]
1 Description
1.1 Federal energy policy background
1.2 Program details
2 NEP and the federal budget
3 NEP and falling energy prices
4 Reaction in Western Canada
5 Impact in Western Canada
5.1 Alberta GDP
5.2 Provincial per capita federal contributions
5.3 North American housing prices
5.4 Bankruptcies in Canada
6 Comparing with other oil-based economies during the NEP years
7 End of the NEP
8 Impact
9 See also
10 References
11 External links

Description
The NEP was introduced in the wake of the energy crises of the 1970s. Because of high oil prices, several economic problems that were beginning to manifest themselves through the 1970s were accelerated and magnified. Inflation was most commonly between 9 and 10 percent annually [1] and prime interest rates over 10 percent.[2] Unemployment was epidemic in the eastern provinces where the Trudeau government had much of its political support.[3] The NEP was designed to promote oil self-sufficiency for Canada, maintain the oil supply, particularly for the industrial base in eastern Canada, promote Canadian ownership of the energy industry, promote lower prices, promote exploration for oil in Canada, promote alternative energy sources, and increase government revenues from oil sales through a variety of taxes and agreements.[4] The NEP's Petroleum Gas Revenue Tax (PGRT) instituted a double-taxation mechanism that did not apply to other commodities, such as gold and copper (see "Program details" item (c), below). The program would "... redistribute revenue from the [oil] industry and lessen the cost of oil for Eastern Canada..." in an attempt to insulate the Canadian economy from the shock of rising global oil prices[5] (see "Program details" item (a), below). By keeping domestic oil prices below world market prices, the NEP was essentially mandating provincial generosity and subsidizing all Canadian consumers of fuel, primarily at Alberta's expense.[6]

[edit] Federal energy policy background
At this point in Canada's history the federal government (more specifically, the National Energy Board or NEB) set the price of oil and natural gas in Canada. The producers neither were charged full world prices for the resource, nor were the consumers.[7] These subsidies had a number of side effects, including larger trade deficits, larger federal budget deficits, higher 'real' interest rates and higher inflation.[8]

[edit] Program details
The National Energy Program "... had three principles: (1) security of supply and ultimate independence from the world market, (2) opportunity for all Canadians to participate in the energy industry, particularly oil and gas, and to share in the benefits of its expansion, and (3) fairness, with a pricing and revenue-sharing regime which recognizes the needs and rights of all Canadians."[9]

"The main elements of the program included:

(a) a blended or 'made-in-Canada' price of oil, an average of the costs of imported and domestic oil, which will rise gradually and predictably but will remain well below world prices and will never be more than 85 per cent of the lower of the price of imported oil or of oil in the US, and which will be financed by a Petroleum Compensation Charge levied on refiners...;

(b) natural gas prices which will increase less quickly than oil prices, but which will include a new and rising federal tax on all natural gas and gas liquids;

(c) a petroleum and gas revenue tax of 8 per cent applied to net operating revenues before royalty and other expense deductions on all production of oil and natural gas in Canada...;

(d) the phasing out of the depletion allowances for oil and gas exploration and development, which will be replaced with a new system of direct incentive payments, structured to encourage investment by Canadian companies, with added incentives for exploration on Canada Lands;

(e) a federal share of petroleum production income at the wellhead which will rise from about 10 per cent in recent years to 24 per cent over the 1980-83 period, with the share of the producing provinces falling from 45 to 43 per cent that of the industry falling from 45 to 33 per cent over the same period;

(f) added incentives for energy conservation and energy conversion away from oil, particularly applicable to Eastern Canada, including the extension of the natural gas pipe-line system to Quebec City and the maritimes, with the additional transport charges being passed back to the producer; and

(g) a Canadian ownership levy to assist in financing the acquisition of the Canadian operations of one or more multinational oil companies, with the objective of achieving at least 50 per cent Canadian ownership of oil and gas production by 1990, Canadian control of a significant number of the major oil and gas corporations, and an early increase in the share of the oil and gas sector owned by the Government of Canada."[10]

The net effect of the change to the percentage shares of income at the wellhead (item e) combined with the Petroleum Compensation Charge (item a) meant that by 1983 the share distribution would be "more substantially" shifted to the federal government. The federal government's share would rise to 36 per cent from 10 per cent, while the provincial share and the industry share would go from 45 per cent each down to 36 per cent and 28 per cent respectively.[11] Thus, a province would receive 20 percent less and industry would receive 40 per cent less.

[edit] NEP and the federal budget
The 1980 federal government budget introduced by Minister of Finance Allan MacEachen projected a reduction of federal deficits from $14.2 billion in 1980 to $11.8 billion in fiscal 1984 due primarily to substantial increases in revenues from the oil and gas sector while maintaining expenditures.[12] Some economists speculated the NEP would discourage large-scale oil investment projects and thus reduce these projected revenues.[13] Whether or not the NEP itself was the cause, the program failed to deliver the anticipated revenues and, by 1983, the Department of Finance had concluded that the federal government had established a structural deficit[14] of $29.7 billion, an increase from 3.5 per cent of GNP in 1980 to 6.2 per cent of GNP in 1983.[15]

[edit] NEP and falling energy prices
The energy price declines of the early 1980s prompted the federal and provincial governments to update their revenue sharing agreements.[16] The amended agreements allowed for $4.2 billion in higher revenues ($1.7 billion federal government, $1.2 billion each for provincial government and industry)[17], which was 30 per cent of the increase that would have been gained from going to world prices.[18] Interestingly, under the NEP industry was in fact not significantly exposed to the declining global oil prices but rather the largest part of direct revenue losses accrued to governments,[19] meaning that the industry operated throughout the period of the NEP under relatively similar oil prices, the 'made-in-Canada' price of oil (see item (a) in National Energy Program Details, above).

[edit] Reaction in Western Canada
The program was extremely unpopular in Western Canada, especially in Alberta where most of Canada's oil is produced. With natural resources falling constitutionally within the domain of provincial jurisdictions, many Albertans viewed the NEP as a detrimental intrusion by the federal government into the province's affairs.[20] In Western Canada – and Alberta especially – the NEP was perceived to be at their expense in benefiting the eastern provinces.[21]

Particularly vilified was Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, whose Liberals didn't hold a seat west of Manitoba. Ed Clark, a senior bureaucrat in the Trudeau Liberal government, helped develop the National Energy Program earning himself the moniker 'Red Ed' in the Alberta oil industry. Shorty after Brian Mulroney took office, Clark was fired.[22]

Petro-Canada, the government-established oil company headquartered in Calgary, was made responsible for implementing much of the Program. Petro-Canada was backronymed to "Pierre Elliott Trudeau Rips Off Canada" by opponents of the National Energy Program, and the Petro-Canada Centre in Calgary became known as "Red Square." The Petro-Canada Centre in Calgary is still referred to by some Calgarians as "The finger of Pierre". The popular western slogan during the NEP – appearing on many bumper stickers – was "Let the Eastern bastards freeze in the dark".[23]

Premier of Alberta Peter Lougheed went on national television to announce that oil shipments to the rest of Canada would be halted, forcing the federal government to import more expensive crude. Lougheed also stopped development on several oil sands projects.[24] After negotiations between Trudeau and Lougheed, the NEP was revised so that the price of so called "new" Canadian oil (discovered after December 31, 1980) would eventually rise to the world price but existing "old" oil would still be capped at 75% of the world price.[25]

[edit] Impact in Western Canada
The key areas of GDP, per capita federal contributions (since this was a federal program), housing prices and bankruptcy rates during the years of the NEP (1980-1985) are examined in this section. For housing prices and bankruptcy rates, the experience of Alberta in particular is contrasted to the other regions of the country in an attempt to see whether the problems experienced due to the global recession were worse in Alberta perhaps due to the NEP.


Long-term oil prices, 1861-2007 (top line adjusted for inflation).[edit] Alberta GDP
It has been estimated by a number of different scholars that Alberta lost between $50 billion and $100 billion because of the NEP,[26] [27] and that the cost to the average Albertan was about $18,000.[28]

Alberta GDP was between $60 billion and $80 billion annually through the years of the NEP, 1980 to 1986. While it is unclear whether the estimates took into account the decline in world crude oil prices that began only a few months after the NEP came into force, the graph of long-term oil prices show that prices adjusted for inflation did not drop below pre-1980s levels until 1985. Given that the program was cancelled in 1986, the NEP was active for five years which are amongst the most expensive for oil prices on record and the NEP prevented Alberta's economy from fully realising those prices.[29]


Fluctuations: Oil Prices & Alberta Per Capita Federal Contributions 1975-1981[edit] Provincial per capita federal contributions
In inflation adjusted 2004 dollars, the year the NEP took effect (1980) per capita fiscal contributions by Alberta to the federal government increased 77% over 1979 levels - from $6,578 in 1979 to $11,641 in 1980.[30] In the five years prior to the NEP (1975-1979), the per capita contributions by Alberta had approximated the fluctuations in the price of oil (see graph Fluctuations: Oil Prices & Alberta Per Capita Federal Contributions 1975-1981). In 1980, however, the inflation adjusted average price of oil was only 5% higher than the previous year yet the per capita contributions from Alberta rose 77%[30] (see graph Fluctuations: Oil Prices & Alberta Per Capita Federal Contributions 1975-1981). Again in inflation adjusted 2004 dollars, the year the NEP was terminated (1986) per capita contributions to the federal government by Alberta collapsed to $680, a mere 10% of 1979 levels.[30]

During the NEP years, 1980-1985, only one other province was a net contributor per capita to the federal government. It was Saskatchewan, another oil producer. In 1980 and 1981 Saskatchewan was a net per capita contributor to the federal government with their peak in 1981 at a mere $514 in comparison to Alberta's peak of $12,735 that same year, both values being 2004 inflation adjusted dollars.[30] Thus, during the NEP years from 1980-1985 the province of Alberta was the sole overall net contributor to the federal government while all other provinces enjoyed being net recipients.

[edit] North American housing prices
As cited in a report by Phillips, Hager and North, the U.S. Office of the Federal Housing Oversight (OFHEO) reported overall declines in real estate prices of between 10% and 15% from 1980 through 1985, the years of the NEP[31]. That same report presents information from the Canadian Real Estate Association (CREA) showing that during those years (1980–1985) most eastern Canadian markets fell 10%-15% and the Toronto market held relatively steady[32]. In contrast, the CREA historical data shows a decline from 1980 through to 1985 of approximately 20% for Vancouver, Saskatoon and Winnipeg while the drop approached 40% in the oil dominated economies of Edmonton and Calgary[33], yet through those years oil prices were still historically high (see figure Long-Term Oil Prices, 1861-2007).

[edit] Bankruptcies in Canada
For the period 1980 through 1985, government statistics show that while the overall number of bankruptcies per 1,000 businesses in Canada peaked at 50% above the 1980 rate.[34] During that same time the bankruptcy rate in Alberta's economy rose by 150% after the NEP took effect[35] despite those years being amongst the most expensive for oil prices on record (see figure Long-Term Oil Prices, 1861-2007).

[edit] Comparing with other oil-based economies during the NEP years

North Sea Oil Prices and Norway's Trade Balance, 1975-2000. Source: Statistics NorwayIn around 1970 Norway started to become an oil dominated export economy comparable to Alberta. As with most of the world's manufacturing economies, Norway's manufacturing experienced recession beginning in the 1970s. However, in the late 1970s the rise in oil prices saw Norway's oil exports grow and provide the nation with a trade surplus (see figure North Sea Oil Prices and Norway's Trade Balance, 1975-2000).

"Norway saw deindustrialization at a more rapid pace than most of her largest trading partners. Due to the petroleum sector, however, Norway experienced high growth rates in all the three last decades of the twentieth century, bringing Norway to the top of the world GDP per capita list at the dawn of the new millennium."[36]

Thus, not all oil based economies suffered as Alberta did during the global slowdown of the early 1980s. Norway experienced an economic boom during the NEP years thanks to the historically high oil prices (see figure Long-Term Oil Prices, 1861-2007). The economic boom of the early 1980s in Norway lasted until the price of oil collapsed in late 1985 just before the NEP was terminated (see figure North Sea Oil Prices and Norway's Trade Balance, 1975-2000).

[edit] End of the NEP
The rationale for the program weakened when world oil prices began to slowly decline in the early 1980s and then collapsed in late 1985 (see figure Long-Term Oil Prices, 1861-2007). A phased shutdown was commenced by Jean Chrétien while he was Minister of Energy, Mines and Resources.

In the 1984 election the Progressive Conservative Party of Brian Mulroney was elected to a majority in the House of Commons with the support of Western Canada after campaigning against the NEP. However, Mulroney did not eliminate the last vestiges of the program until two and a half years later, at which time world oil prices had dropped below pre-1980s levels (as adjusted for inflation - see figure Long-Term Oil Prices, 1861-2007). The conservative government's delay was a contributing factor to the creation of a new political party, Western Canada's Reform Party of Canada.

[edit] Impact
The economic effect of the program is debated. After it was implemented, Canada, along with all of the economies of Europe (except for Norway due to their petroleum industry[37]) and the economy of the United States, fell into a worldwide recession. It would turn out to be the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression.

Given that bankruptcies[38] and real estate prices[39] did not fare as negatively in Central Canada as in the rest of Canada and America[40] during the NEP, it is possible that the NEP had a positive effect in Central Canada.

However, given that bankruptcies[41] and real estate[42] did much worse in Alberta than in other parts of Canada and America and petroleum exporting economies like Norway performed well[43]; coupled with the estimated loss of between $50 and $100 billion in provincial GDP [44] (at the time, this was an entire year's GDP for the province) due to the NEP during this period, it is plausible the NEP had a negative effect in Alberta.

Perhaps the greatest impact was the NEP's failure to deliver the revenues forecast originally in the 1980 federal budget. Federal deficits had been expected to decrease primarily due to substantial increases in revenues from the oil and gas sector.[45] Instead, by 1983 the Department of Finance had concluded that the federal government had established a structural deficit[46] of 6.2 per cent of GNP ($29.7 billion).[47]

Finally, politically the NEP heightened distrust of the federal government in Western Canada, especially in Alberta where many Albertans believed that the NEP was an intrusion of the federal government into an area of provincial jurisdiction.[20]

[edit] See also
Energy policy of Canada

[marciaw]

加拿大西部独立的种子大概就是在那个时候埋下的。

[marciaw]

作者: 到处闲逛

你针对我的帖子，根本就不是探讨房价的走势；而是你反对我对加拿大的一些观点而已。

这一点，你说的部分对，不全对。 我不认同你的价值观。

[marciaw]

作者: 到处闲逛

什么是你所说的价值观，

如果用关键词来形容你的话， 可以列出几个： 谁都欠我、我从无错、理直气壮、振振有词。你的价值观就在其中了。

[marciaw]

作者: 到处闲逛

这是你的观点。跟你叫板是因为你身为中国人却把中国看得太一无是处！你的一些帖子里处处充满了中国欠你的论点。你急于表现你在加拿大的成功，包括你的事业和婚姻等，就是为了证明你的移民举动是多么正确。从没见过谁在网上喊陌生人到家里打乒乓球，你是第一个。

我自认比较客观看待加拿大，这里有机会，也有歧视，更有风险。我从不认为加拿大欠我什么，相反，我比大部分移民幸运。我读书不但没花钱，还拿了加拿大政府的助学金奖学金，我为什么觉得加拿大欠我的？只是个人经历不代表整体，不代表这里没有问题，不代表这里绝对公平。

你还分不清网络和现实，把虚构的东西，数个人的东西想象到一个人身上。

建议你和格物联盟一下。