买到今天的GLOBE&MAIL-雄心勃勃，实力雄厚，烦躁不安，准备迎接，中国世纪－CHINA RISING

[wade]

正在阅读中，准备将今天的报纸珍藏

[莫言]

HUNGRY CHINA IS SHAKING!

[wade]

头版充斥巨大的汉字，排版得真有趣

[野渡无人]

By MARCUS GEE
From Saturday's Globe and Mail

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Beijing ― At the north end of Beijing's Imperial Palace stands Coal Hill, a man-made summit built with the sweat and blood of countless labourers. Climb it and you can absorb a sight that for 500 years, only emperors and their retainers could see: the inner precincts of the Forbidden City. With its arching, tiled roofs of mustard yellow and its high vermillion walls, this is the secret heart of the most inward-looking empire the world has ever seen.

For centuries, China shut itself off from the rest of humanity. Secure in its cultural superiority, disdainful of Western ideas and science, it welcomed foreigners only as supplicants, forcing them to kowtow before its emperors ”with ashen face and trembling knees” behind those walls.

But today, a new Chinese empire is rising, one that looks outward instead of in. Emboldened by 25 years of pell-mell economic growth, a reborn China is bidding to become a great power again ― perhaps the great power.

It was Napoleon who warned, ”Let China sleep, for when she awakes she will shake the world.” Look down from Coal Hill and you can almost feel the tremors. Before you, to the south, lie the hundreds of palaces and lesser buildings of the imperial sanctuary; beyond that, the sweeping expanse of Tiananmen Square and the citadels of Communist power on its flanks.

Look to the east or west, and the new China comes into focus. Dozens of construction cranes jut into the sky. Satellite dishes top the summits of gleaming new hotels and office towers. As the sun sets in the west and a full autumn moon rises, the neon lights of a global city blink to life, advertising Western fashions, Western movies, Western values.

After centuries of isolation and stagnation followed by 100 years of civil war, revolution, famine and foreign occupation, China is rejoining the modern world, determined to restore the wealth, power and status that are the birthright of the planet's most populous country and oldest continuous civilization.

With its lost years behind it, it has a powerful, almost desperate yearning to catch up with the rest of the world. In place of the ancient emperor cult and the fleeting cult of Mao, it has adopted a new religion: the cult of the new. Like the nouveaux riches of its big cities in their Rolex watches and Prada boots, China wants the best, the latest, the shiniest of everything.

If other big cities have airport-to-downtown railways, Shanghai must have the latest, coolest kind: a magnetic levitation train. If other cities have trendy architecture, Beijing brings in ultra-trendy Dutch architect Rem Koolhaas to design its radical new state television building. High culture? Shanghai plans to build 100 museums and vie with Paris and New York as a capital of art and learning.

At last count, China had 595 McDonald's restaurants in 105 cities. Beijing alone has more than 100 highway overpasses, proudly advertised on the country's banknotes. The number of cellphone users is growing by five million a month.

This is a country rushing headlong into the future ― building, wrecking, earning, accumulating, striving, competing; restless, ingenious, irrepressible, brassy, boastful, fearful.

You don't have to be in China to experience its rise.

In the past few years, and this year more than ever, people in Canada and around the world have begun to feel it in their everyday lives. At the local Wal-Mart, you have China to thank for $10 children's jeans and $50 DVD players. At the gas pump, you can blame China's insatiable demand for oil for 90-cents-a-litre fuel.

If you are an employee of Canadian mining company Noranda, your new boss may soon be the Beijing government. If you have a mortgage, China has helped you out by investing some of its more than $440-billion of foreign exchange reserves in U.S. Treasury bills and keeping interest rates down throughout North America.

Quite suddenly, China has emerged as a moving force of the global economy. Not only is it the new workshop of the world, churning out a third of its computers, half of its digital cameras and DVD players, half of its clothing and two-thirds of its photocopiers and microwave ovens. It is also a voracious importer, gobbling up 40 per cent of the world's cement last year and pushing up the price of steel, copper, iron ore and soybeans, as well as oil.

And this is only the beginning. On present trends, China could overtake Japan as the world's second-largest economy by 2016 and take the top spot from the United States by 2040.

Look a little further into the distance, and China looms even larger. Even if its growth slows to 4 or 5 per cent a year from the current 9 per cent, it would have an output of $40-trillion by 2054. Today, all Group of Eight economies together produce only half that figure.

Think of how far it has already come. Just 20 years ago, a sunset visitor to Coal Hill would have looked down on a sea of bicycles carrying commuters in Mao suits through a cityscape of dingy apartment blocks and ancient neighbourhoods toward their jobs in outmoded, state-run factories.

But in 1978, Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping made a decision that, looking back, was one of the most daring of the 20th century. Casting aside Communist orthodoxy and declaring that ”to get rich is glorious” ― a phrase that could be the slogan of the new China ― he began opening the country's closed, centrally planned economy.

Released from the bondage of central planning, the Chinese quickly exhibited the genius for commerce and trade that characterize Chinese communities from Hong Kong to Singapore to Canada. Their dynamism has transformed China at developmental light speed, turning a peasant society into an industrializing nation with more than 236,000 millionaires.

Of course, many things could still interrupt China's progress. With its immature stock market, shaky banking system and hundreds of rusting state-owned businesses ― not to speak of its outmoded, undemocratic political system ― China is bound to take a tumble somewhere along the road to riches. But, then, the United States went through no fewer than 10 boom-and-bust cycles during its rise to economic supremacy in the 19th century.

That rise changed the face of the world, and China has 260 times as many people as the United States did then. As veteran Singaporean leader Lee Kuan Yew once said: ”It's not possible to pretend that this is just another big player. This is the biggest player in the history of man.”

But what kind of player? While he was U.S. president, Bill Clinton said that the fate of the world hangs on how China defines its greatness. Will it be like Japan after the Second World War, content to grow wealthy and keep a low profile? Or will it be more like Germany before the First World War ― arrogant, aggrieved and aggressive?

That is probably the biggest question mark hanging over the first half of the 21st century, and one of the most disputed. Bookshelves groan with books heralding the ”Coming Conflict” with China or the ”Coming Collapse” of China. The country's boom is either the greatest opportunity the world has ever seen, or the biggest threat; either awe-inspiring miracle, or approaching disaster; either the best news in years, or the worst.

Consider the good news first. Since Deng Xiaoping executed China's historic U-turn at a session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party in 1978, 270 million people have climbed out of poverty ― the most successful development project in history, and a slap in the face for those who say globalization helps only the rich.

China had such a miserable 20th century ― from the chaos of its warlord era, to invasion by the Japanese, to civil war between Nationalists and Communists, to the famine and fanaticism of Mao's reign ― that the early 21st looks like a golden era by comparison. Despite the corruption, authoritarianism and contempt for human rights shown by their governing regime, China's 1.3 billion people, a fifth of humankind, are generally richer, safer and freer than they have ever been.

What is good news for the Chinese is also good for everyone else.

Today's stable, growing China is far less threatening than the poor, paranoid version of Maoist times, when the country spat venom at the ”imperialist West” and went to war with the United States (and Canada) over Korea, with India on its Himalayan frontier and nearly with the Soviet Union over their common border. It may be a simple coincidence, but China has not fought a war with anyone since it took on Vietnam in 1979, a year after launching its reforms.

[野渡无人]

China's economic rise should lift all boats, improving incomes around the globe. Despite fears about outsourcing to and competition from China, its boom has already helped pull Japan out of the longest downturn in its postwar history and helped the United States recover from its recent recession.

First to cash in will be resource-rich countries such as Canada, which will keep busy supplying China with timber, paper, aluminum and other commodities. Consumers should be winners, too. Investment house Morgan Stanley estimates that American shoppers have already saved about $100-billion because of lower prices on clothing, shoes and household supplies from China.

Now, the bad news.

The world's newest economic giant is essentially a dictatorship. Just last month, President Hu Jintao, who is unelected, denounced Western-style democracy as a ”blind alley” for China. Although they dress in business suits and wear friendly smiles for foreign visitors, Beijing's leaders are a self-selected cabal of Communist Party insiders accountable only to themselves. That makes them insecure, and therefore dangerous.

What is worse, they lead a country with grand ambitions and deep resentments. China is not Japan; nothing in its history suggests that it will be happy to grow rich selling socks and motherboards to the world while someone else makes the decisions. It is no accident that Chinese still call their country Zhongguo, or Middle Kingdom, a name that reflects its historic self-image as the one true centre of civilization.

Because of its huge population, China had the biggest economy in the world until the United States passed it in the 1880s. Then came a quick and traumatic decline. Proud China became the doormat of the Western powers, which occupied its ports, burnt its Summer Palace and flooded it with opium to pay for their purchases of tea and silk. The sting of those insults still lingers.

That is why historians sometimes compare it with Germany, which entered the 20th century feeling buoyed by its recent economic success but nervous about its place in the world and angry about its perceived exclusion from the big-power game. Today's China shares that mix of confidence and insecurity. With 14 countries on its border and a history of foreign invasions, it feels vulnerable and defensive even as its power grows. Ross Terrill, the American author of a recent book on China's rise, calls the modern Chinese state ”pretentious, aggrieved and fearful.”

As China grows more powerful, these impulses are bound to assert themselves more often. The aim of its foreign policy is clear: to make up for past humiliations by restoring China's fuqiang ― its wealth and power. In time, a confident, growing China, a giant chip on its shoulder, is bound to challenge the world's balance of power, not just in Asia but around the world. If any country has a chance of replacing the United States as king of the hill, it is China. If it remains undemocratic, it may also pose an ideological challenge to the liberal values of the West ― an example, it will say, of how societies can have prosperity without ”Western” democracy and human rights.

Beijing is already flexing its new muscles. When Washington slapped duties on China for ”dumping” cheap products on the U.S. market last year, Beijing quickly retaliated by cancelling a high-profile mission to the United States to buy American farm goods. Moving to protect its supply of vital raw materials, it successfully pressured the United Nations Security Council to water down a resolution threatening the government of Sudan with sanctions over its role in the refugee crisis there.

In years to come, it could find itself propping up more regimes that supply its resources or host its industries, just as the United States often supports them today. David Hale, a U.S. Sinologist, says it is not far-fetched to imagine a day when Chinese troops set out to put down a revolt against the Saudi royal family.

In the past, China has had few scruples about backing unpleasant regimes. It has sent nuclear equipment to Pakistan, chemical-weapons material to Libya and missile technology to Iran. It stood with the murderous Khmer Rouge of Cambodia until the bitter end, and even now supports the brutal junta that rules Myanmar.

For the time being, however, China is on its best behaviour. Since Deng's great opening, the country has joined dozens of international clubs, from the World Trade Organization to the International Labour Organization to the Nuclear Suppliers Group. Last year, Mr. Hu attended a North-South dialogue sponsored by the G8, a group Beijing once denounced as a clique of the Western powers.

China has patched up relations with its old rival, India, and stepped up ties with France, Russia, Germany and the European Union. To show it is a good global citizen, it is sending troops to Haiti under the UN's blue flag, the biggest Chinese deployment of its kind.

Everywhere they go, Mr. Hu and his colleagues insist that China is a ”status quo” power with no interest in climbing the greasy pole of world domination. As they are quick to point out, they have no history of conquering foreign peoples (unless you count the Tibetans, which they don't). Their slogan of the moment, ”peaceful rise,” is designed to comfort a fretful world.

Chinese foreign minister Li Zhaoxing told The Globe's Geoffrey York this week, ”China's development will not threaten anybody or compromise their interests.”

In their own backyard, the Chinese have made no move to challenge the military mastery of the United States in the Asia-Pacific region, as the Soviet Union did by building a vast, blue-water navy capable of projecting force far beyond its own shores. Unlike the rising United States, which put its foot down over European meddling in its hemisphere in 1823, China has as yet pronounced no Monroe doctrine for Asia.

Even if Beijing is just biding its time, it has a long way to go before it becomes a superpower that can go toe-to-toe with Washington.

China started from such a low point that, even after 20 years as the world's fastest-growing economy, its per capita output is only about $1,000 (U.S.), 136th in the world and about on par with Honduras, Morocco or the Philippines. And despite spending tens of billions on arms over the past decade, it still can't come close to matching the United States, which spends seven times as much on its military.

In fact, if the world has anything to fear from China in the short run, it is not its strength but its weakness. Behind the glitter of its booming cities, China has enormous problems: rampant pollution; a rising income gap between rich cities and poor countryside; mass unemployment in less-industrialized regions.

If China goes off the rails, all of East Asia, indeed all of the world, would feel it. Threatened with collapse, the Communist regime might easily play the patriot card by invading the ”renegade province” of Taiwan and returning it to Chinese hands.

But in the fall of 2004, failure and war are the last things on Chinese minds. With so much pain and turmoil in their recent past, its people are grabbing the chance to fulfill the words of the Chinese proverb: Live long and prosper. Average life expectancy has risen to 71 years. Four-fifths of urban homes have refrigerators and washing machines, half have air conditioners and DVD players, and a fifth have computers. Car sales are rising by more than 40 per cent a year.

In just four years, China will celebrate its success with a giant coming-out party: the Beijing Olympics. A big digital clock in Tiananmen Square ticks down the minutes until the Games open. A short distance away, on Coal Hill, people gather on autumn days to watch the sun go down.

On this particular evening, the air is cool and still. A young couple embraces. A graceful old man performs tai chi. As the dark gathers, a bat, Chinese symbol of good fortune, flits around a pagoda roof. From the city below, comes the ceaseless din of traffic ― the sound of China rising.

[Canadaharrison]

这是原文吗

[Canadaharrison]

CHINA RISING: Will China join the culture club, or wield it?

By JAN WONG
From Saturday's Globe and Mail



Beijing ― ‘Wo ai Beijing,” Serena Williams told a Chinese television audience in passable Mandarin: I love Beijing. And the Chinese love her, chanting “Sah-Reen-Na” and singing happy birthday ― in English ― as the American tennis star turned 23 at the China Open tournament last month.

Tennis isn't a sport for the masses here. But the crowd's devotion never wavered, even when Ms. Williams took umbrage at an official's call at the women's final and smashed her racquet into a bench. Cheered on by her Chinese fans, Ms. Williams rallied to defeat her Russian opponent and then, beaming, presented her replacement racquet to the mayor of Beijing.

A foreigner going out of her way to speak Chinese and kowtowing to a Chinese mandarin; a Chinese crowd embracing her foreign combativeness and singing in her language: It's all so 8th century.

And so 21st.

China reached its zenith in the Tang Dynasty (618-907 AD), one of the most open and confident periods in the country's history. Back then, the Middle Kingdom entranced the world, at least the parts that had heard of it, the way Hollywood mesmerizes us today.

Now, 1,100 years later, a newly confident and increasingly wealthy China is again opening up to outside influences. The question is: Who will be more affected, China, or the rest of the world?

Every great power ― Spain, France, Britain, ancient Greece, Rome ― exported its language and culture. Everyone is watching to see how China walks that path. Which language will dominate the world in 25 years, English or Chinese? Whose culture will reign supreme, America's or China's? Are we on the cusp of a new world order, or could we all end up with a hybrid blend of both worlds?

To be sure, it's hard to predict the cultural-linguistic future. No one in 1759 imagined that losing a single battle at the Plains of Abraham would ensure the decline of French culture and language in North America. Or in 1945 that a handful of refugees from Europe would create a pop culture in Hollywood that within a half-century would spread American English, mannerisms, values ― the whole idea of cool ― to the rest of the world.

But certainly the 19th-century idea that everyone would one day speak English is dead. In the past decade, English has declined as a native language from 9 per cent to just 5 per cent of the world's population. The global penetration of U.S. culture aside, Chinese is already the most-spoken language in the world, with three times as many native speakers as English. And through the diaspora, rather than old-fashioned colonization, the Chinese language is spreading into other countries. In Canada, for example, it's now the third most spoken language, after English and French, according to government statistics.

Soon, Chinese could be chosen ahead of English as a second language by people around the world, says David Graddol, managing director of The English Company and the author of a study on this topic.

“In the next decade, the new ‘must-learn' language is likely to be Mandarin,” Mr. Graddol told the Independent in London.

Many of the major population increases of the past century took place in China, not in English-speaking countries. Now, the Internet and satellite television allow immigrants to stay in touch with their mother tongue. With China's population already the world's largest, it will be impossible to ignore when its economy overtakes that of the United States. In Asia, businesses whose employees are not multilingual will find themselves at a disadvantage. Already, they're looking beyond English.

In Beijing alone, 50,000 foreign students are learning Chinese. That's a drop compared to those studying English worldwide, but way up from the two Westerners ― myself, the lone Canadian, and an American teenager from Yale University ― who were learning Chinese there in 1972. (We kept company with one wounded Palestinian guerrilla fighter, two Laotians and nine North Koreans.) Already, the current contingent of Canadian students in Beijing is so huge it recently inspired a Friends-like Chinese television sit-com called Vancouver.

[Canadaharrison]

About 440,000 foreigners work in China, according to the China Daily. These numbers don't even include the thousands of Russian, Uzbek, Iraqi and African traders in the Jianguomen Wai area in Beijing who bargain fiercely in Mandarin, scooping up bales of fur coats, silk lingerie and fake Prada purses.

Of course, there are skeptics. Joan Hinton, an American who works for the Chinese Ministry of Agricultural Machinery and who has lived in China since the 1940s, thinks the language is too difficult for most Westerners to learn. There are the four tones in Mandarin, the official dialect. Then there is the hurdle of written Chinese: Reading a newspaper requires memorizing at least 2,000 characters.

But Ben Mok, a Canadian who is general manager for Coca-Cola Bottling Co. Ltd. in Tianjin, a city of 13 million, says he will no longer hire any foreigner who isn't fluent in Chinese. “That wasn't true 10 years ago,” he said.

“Now it's just like the Tang Dynasty. If foreigners want to work here, they need to speak Chinese,” said Li Bincheng, 67, retired head of the Tang history research group at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

There they are again, the echoes of the Tang Dynasty. Its capital, Changan (present-day Xian), was the first-millennium terminus of the fabled Silk Road, a network of far-flung trade routes across the Gobi desert. The Chinese forever commemorate that dynasty by rendering the term “Chinatown” as Tang Ren Jie ― Street of the Tang People.

Like China's immense cities of the 21st century ― Shanghai, Beijing, Tianjin ― Changan was bigger than any metropolis in Europe and the only city in the world of its time to attain a population of one million. So many foreign entertainers, merchants and scholars flocked to Tang China from present-day India, Africa, Turkey, Armenia, Afghanistan, Iran, Syria, Japan and Korea that the imperial government had a special ministry devoted to housing, feeding, and providing tutors for foreigners.

Today, “China is absorbing and reinventing all sorts of influences from outside, just as they did in the Tang Dynasty,” said Susan Whitfield, who heads the Silk Road project at the British Library.

Filmmaker Norman Jewison is another skeptic who doubts we'll all be speaking Chinese in the near future. But he is impressed by China's cultural impact on that most American of industries, movies. China has already influenced camera work, directing style and action sequences in films as diverse as The Matrix, Kill Bill and Charlie's Angels.

“ Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon was the first commercial breakthrough,” he said. “America dominates the screens of the world. That's why the Chinese are making their moves there, and nothing is going to stop them.”

“John Woo [ Paycheck; Mission: Impossible II] gets $3- to $4-million (U.S.) to direct a picture for 18 weeks,” added Mr. Jewison, 78, whose own hit movies include In the Heat of the Night, Fiddler on the Roof and Moonstruck. “You don't think this is influence? China today influences every single film festival in the world and is starting to dominate.”

Mr. Jewison first went to China in 1976, shortly after Mao's death, to explore the possibility of making a movie about Norman Bethune, the Canadian doctor who died of septicemia while treating Communist troops in Yanan. He never made the film, but he returned to Hollywood enthralled.

“I told everyone that the 21st century belongs to China. I said: ‘In the next 50 years, watch this country.'”

Zhang Zhilian, professor emeritus of world history at Beijing University, is more sanguine.

“This is not China's century. China has too many problems,” said Mr. Zhang, 88, who is both a Chevalier de la Légion d'Honneur of France and an honorary fellow at Corpus Christi College at Oxford University.

For one thing, China is not on the front line of scientific research, a status that can catapult a language and culture into global use. (Those who argue that English is unassailable as the lingua franca of high technology may have forgotten that Latin was once the language of science, in the 17th century.)

[Canadaharrison]

But is China really so far behind? Between 1981 and 2003, it churned out a 20-fold increase in research papers published in scientific journals, according to this month's issue of Nature. The Chinese have already leapfrogged into the wireless age, and who knows about tomorrow? It would be foolhardy to underestimate the folks who invented the compass, paper, gunpowder and printing.

In the Tang era, foreigners flocked to China because the country was on the cutting edge of high technology. Its craftsmen had perfected the hard, white porcelain that gave China its enduring English name. It used paper money when other countries didn't even have paper. Baghdad cracked China's paper-making monopoly only when it captured some artisans conscripted into the Tang army and forced them to give up the secret.

As for cultural exports, Tang China sent its written characters to Japan and Korea. From the sixth to eight century, Kyoto modelled its whole artistic output on the Tang. China also transmitted a Sinicized version of Buddhism to its neighbours. (It had in turn imported the religion from India.)

For the moment, China is embracing the outside world and its influences, just like in Tang times. It's hiring the best foreign architects, building the world's only magnetic-levitation train with German technology, and hosting the next Summer Olympics. In January, the Andrew Lloyd Webber musical Phantom of the Opera will open in Shanghai.

Disinclined to wait for the West to learn Chinese, select kindergartens are immersing toddlers in English. Some universities have gone all-English in textbooks and lectures. At the multiplex cinema at Beijing's Oriental Plaza, many customers opt to watch Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban in its original language. (“When you want to dominate a country, the first thing you do is learn the language,” said Mr. Jewison, the filmmaker. “The French-Canadian priests of a hundred years ago could all speak Cree and Ojibwa.”)

Beijing's youth continue to look outside China for their concept of cool, copying their counterparts in other Asian countries, who in turn have stolen the look from the West. In Shanghai, they dye their hair orange and platinum. Young women apply South Korean false eyelashes, one lash at a time, with a kind of black Krazy Glue.

But China does have a je ne sais quoi appeal in Europe. This year, the French festooned the Eiffel Tower with sparkling red lights and silk lanterns to celebrate the Chinese New Year. It's impossible to imagine them draping it in bunting for the Fourth of July.

Whenever China has absorbed foreign cultures in the past, it has always transformed them, both within and for re-export abroad.

“Right now we ape Western musicians, but we will have our own music soon,” said Zhou Min, whose Beijing hair salon is frequented by Russian and Iraqi traders.

With globalization and the Internet, it may only be a matter of time before English-speaking kids in Etobicoke or East Vancouver embrace some as yet unforeseen Chinese fashion.

[skyfly]

作者: wade

正在阅读中，准备将今天的报纸珍藏

在哪买，我家前后报箱只有national post.

[labour in Ca]

我顶着漂雪去BANFF TRAIL 的邮箱看了二次，到12AM过，邮箱还是空的，是卖完了还是没开始卖？？还有，网上也可读的
。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。

作者: wade

正在阅读中，准备将今天的报纸珍藏

[vivien_wj]

买了最后一张，COOP的服务真的很不错。
展开头版：只有若干斗大的汉字：
雄心勃勃
If you can't read these words, better start
实力雄厚
brushing up. A profound global shift has
烦躁不安
begun, the kind that occurs once every
准备迎接
few lifetimes. Don't be left behind.
中国世纪
China Rising

News A3版：
The astonishing pace of change in China touches every aspect of its existence - and of ours. As many challenges as this giant presents to the world, it faces an equal number within its border. Hence the words in Chinese on our front page, and above:
AMBITOUS, POWERFUL, RESTLESS...
GET READY FOR CHINA'S CENTURY

MARCUS GEE: LOOKING COUTWARD
HEADLONG INTO THE FUTURE: SEEKING WEALTH, POWER AND STATUS
BEIJING
At the north end of Beijing's Imperial Palace stands Coal Hill, .....


Geoffrey York: LOOKING INWARD
BEHIND THE BOOM: A STRUGGLE FOR IDENTITY AND RUMBLINGS OF REVOLT
BEIJING
At the age of 41, Zhang HongKang seems to have it all.
......

JAN WONG: INFLUENCES
WILL CHINA JOIN THE CULTURE CLUB, OR WIELD IT?

[vivien_wj]

NEWS A2:
Children at Erligou Central Primary School in Beijing take part in an exercise peiod. The world of tomorrow will largely be defined by how China's 1.3 billion people choose to express their ambition.

WITNESSING THE BIRTH OF A SUPERPOWER
Letter from the Editor

News A4:
From workrooms tucked in alley ways to massive factories, this coastal city's entrepreneurial spirit churns out goods for China and beyone - and most are privately run, JOHN BARBER finds
WENZHOU: CAPITALISM UNBOUNT

FROM CELLS TO BELLS, 10 THINGS THE CHINESE DO FAR BETTER THAN WE DO
A comparative list compiled by JAN WONG
BEIJING

NEWS A6:
LOW WAGES, CRUEL BOSSES, NO RIGHTS
An army of migarant workers grows restless, GEOFFREY YORK repots

NEWS A7:
FLEXING ITS ILITARY MUSCLE
With Taiwan squarely in its sights, Beijing rapidly builds up armed forces, write GEOFFREY YORK and MARCUS GEE

TIBET: IN THE CROSSHAIRS AND AT A CROSSROADS
Using ecomic and political pressure, China tries to persuade Tibetans to leave the past behind, writes ROD MICKLEBURGH

NEWS A10:
TAIWAN UNVEILS MISSILE DEFENCES TO A WARY PUBLIC

NEWS A11
"THE NEW 'MUST-LEARN' LANGUAGE IS LIKELY TO BE MANDARIN"

NEWS A15:
SAVING CHINA'S ENDANGERED ENVIRONMENT
As activists struggle to halt ecological degradation, the state is slowly opening up to efforts to clean up deadly pollution

NEWS A16:
DIASPORA FORMS 'BAMBOO' SUPPLY CHAIN
A far-flung network of family and friends helps move goods throughout the world

NEWS A17
MINING ACCIDENT DEATH TOLL 66
Collapsed tunnels slow rescue attempts

A24 comment
How democracy would help China

A25 comment
Nothing square about Tiananmen

[vivien_wj]

F12 FOCUS:
木子美的好大的照片，长的真不怎么样。

[管钳]

今天，凑巧检了一分人家读过遗弃的‘环球邮报’，太过瘾了。

[hoopeo]

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/gener...cialChina.html

[vivien_wj]

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/china

[killer2004]

今天白天忘了买globe and mail 等到晚上再去买的，许多地方都没有了，小店的老板还说，今天很多人都买 globe and mail ，我没问他，估计都是中国人。

[Apache]

写了些什么呀，谁能翻译成中文？还有，木子美那疯子怎么也上报纸啦，不公平啊，为什么没有俺们敬爱的赵老师？

[gbxhm]

作者: Apache

写了些什么呀，谁能翻译成中文？还有，木子美那疯子怎么也上报纸啦，不公平啊，为什么没有俺们敬爱的赵老师？

赵老师在半猪家后院挖油呢...